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By: I. Bram, M.A., M.D., Ph.D.
Co-Director, Frank H. Netter M.D. School of Medicine at Quinnipiac University
Importantly antibiotics for acne causing depression purchase 250 mg zithromax otc, the computer algorithms ignored the partisanship and the identities of the 2012 Incumbents antibiotics for uti cause diarrhea purchase genuine zithromax line. Census geographies and population data that the General Assembly used in creating congressional voting districts treatment for frequent uti safe 100mg zithromax, and, therefore, the simulated districting plans created by Dr. Chen account for the same population patterns and political boundaries across Pennsylvania that the General Assembly encountered when drawing the congressional voting districts under the 2011 Plan. Census population was 12,702,379, so congressional voting districts in the 18-district plan have an ideal population of705,687. Chen calculated the geographic compactness of the simulated districting plans by using common measures of compactness-i. Chen observed that the simulated districting plans in Set I all divided less counties than the 2011 Plan, and the 2011 Plan divided far more counties than was reasonably necessary. Chen opined that the Set I simulation results demonstrated that the 2011 Plan divided more municipalities than the simulated districting plans. The simulated districting plans split 40-58 municipalities, whereas the 2011 Plan split 68 municipalities. Chen, using the common measures of compactness identified above, observed that the 2011 Plan is significantly less compact than every single one of the Set I simulated districting plans and that the 2011 Plan is significantly more geographically non-compact than necessary. Chen based his partisan performance calculations for the precincts on the actual votes cast for Republican and Democratic candidates in the following Pennsylvania statewide elections: 2008 Presidential, 2008 Attorney He did not base his General, 20 I 0 U. Chen chose those election results because they were the most recent results prior to the enactment of the 2011 Plan, they were reasonably closely-contested elections, and the precinct-level vote counts from those elections were available to the General Assembly during its enactment of the 2011 Plan. Chen took the election results at the precinct level for the statewide elections identified above and overlaid those precinct level results onto the simulated districting plans and 201 1 Plan. Chen then calculated the number of districts that would have been won by Democrats and Republicans under each districting plan in order to measure the partisan performance of the districting plan. Chen determined that the 2011 Plan resulted in 13 of the 18 congressional voting districts having partisan performance calculations favoring Republican candidates. Those 13 congressional voting districts correspond with the same 13 districts that have consistently elected Republican congressional representatives during the 2012, 2014, and 2016 general elections. Chen determined that the Set I simulated districting plans resulted in the creation of 7 to I 0 congressional voting districts having partisan perfonnance calculations favoring Republican candidates and did not result in any simulated districting plan having 13 congressional voting districts with partisan performance calculations favoring Republicans. Chen opined that the 2011 Plan represents an extreme statistical outlier, creating a level of partisan bias not observed in a single one of the simulated districting plans designed using traditional districting criteria. Chen assessed the predictive strength of his measure of partisan performance-using precinct-level results from the 2008 and 20 I 0 statewide elections-to predict the congressional elections under the 2011 Plan. Chen was able to accurately predict the results for 54 out of 54 congressional elections in 2012, 2014, and 2016. Chen concluded that the 2011 Plan creates several more congressional voting districts with partisan performance calculations favoring Republicans, which resulted in several more Republican seats than what is generally achievable under a map drawing process respecting nonpartisan, traditional districting criteria. Chen also compared the Set I simulated districting plans to (P-1 at 20; the 2011 Plan by calculating the mean-median gap of the plans. Chen explained that the mean-median gap is another accepted method that redistricting scholars commonly use to compare the relative partisan bias of different districting plans. Chen explained that the mean of a districting plan is calculated as the average of the Republican vote share across all 18 congressional voting districts, and the median is the Republican vote share in the congressional voting district where Republicans performed the middle-best. Chen, usmg the aggregated results of the (P-1 at 20; 2008-2010 statewide elections, calculated that the congressional voting districts created by the 2011 Plan have a mean Republican vote share of 47. In other words, the 2011 Plan distributes voters across congressional voting districts in such a way that most districts are significantly more Republican-leaning than the average Pennsylvania district, while Democratic voters are more heavily concentrated in a minority of the congressional voting districts. Chen opined that the skew of the mean-median gap in the 2011 Plan created a significant advantage for Republicans by giving them stronger control over the median district. Chen examined the range of mean-median gaps that would have arisen under the Set I simulated districting. Chen opined that the range of this natural skew m the Set I simulated voting plans, however, is always much smaller than the 5.
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There are no studies documenting an improvement in outcomes in women at risk for preterm birth who are placed on activity restriction antimicrobial nail polish cheap zithromax online, including bed rest virus leg pain zithromax 500mg with amex. There are multiple studies documenting untoward effects of routine activity restriction on the mother and family infection 2 app order on line zithromax, including negative psychosocial effects. Therefore, activity restriction should not be routinely prescribed as a treatment to reduce preterm birth. When low-risk results have been reported on either test, there is limited clinical value of also performing the other screen. Serologic screening during pregnancy for both diseases should be reserved for situations in which there is clinical or ultrasound suspicion of maternal or fetal infection. Although progressive cervical shortening after cerclage placement increases the risk of preterm birth, neither overall cervical length nor the length below the stitch correlates well with outcomes. Most importantly, there are currently no additional treatment options for a short cervix after cerclage. Although there may be theoretical psychological benefits to the patient and provider to visualize the stitch, there are insufficient data to suggest a clinical benefit of routine post-cerclage serial cervical length measurement. Genetic variant C677T and A1286C have been associated with a mild decrease in enzymatic activity, which in the setting of reduced folate levels has been found to be a risk factor for hyperhomocysteinemia. Targeted screening for women at risk for overt hypothyroidism is still appropriate. These items are provided solely for informational purposes and are not intended as a substitute for consultation with a medical professional. How this List Was Created As a national medical specialty society, the Society for Maternal-Fetal Medicine relies on the input of any number of its committees in the development of various documents. The relationship of the factor V Leiden mutation and pregnancy outcomes for mother and fetus. Increased frequency of genetic thrombophilia in women with complications of pregnancy. Second trimester cervical length and risk of preterm birth in women with twin gestations treated with 17-alpha hydroxyprogesterone caproate. Cerclage for short cervix on ultrasonography: meta-analysis of trials using individual patient-level data. Progesterone and preterm birth prevention: translating clinical trials data into clinical practice. Failure of 17-hydroxyprogesterone to reduce neonatal morbidity or prolong triplet pregnancy: a double-blind, randomized clinical trial. Prevention of preterm birth in triplets using 17 alpha-hydroxyprogesterone caproate: a randomized controlled trial. National Institute of Child Health and Human Development Maternal Fetal Medicine Unit Network. Ultrasonographic cervical length measurement at 10-14 and 20-24 weeks gestation and the risk of preterm delivery. Does transvaginal sonographic measurement of cervical length before 14 weeks predict preterm delivery in high-risk pregnancies The risk of stillbirth and infant death stratified by gestational age in women with gestational diabetes. Practice Bulletin #151: Cytomegalovirus, Parvovirus B19, varicella zoster, and toxoplasmosis in pregnancy. Non-invasive prenatal testing for aneuploidy: current status and future prospects. The role of routine cervical length screening in selected high- and low-risk women for preterm birth prevention. Antenatal thyroid screening and childhood cognitive function [published erratum appears in N Engl J Med 2012;366:1650]. The Society hosts an annual scientific meeting in which new ideas and research in the area of maternal-fetal medicine are presented. The Society is also an advocate for improving public policy and expanding research funding and opportunities in the area of maternal-fetal medicine.
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